CMRJ 526 APUS China Banning Opium Trade Discussion Do not include statements such as great work, or excellent post. Try to include information that is chal

CMRJ 526 APUS China Banning Opium Trade Discussion Do not include statements such as great work, or excellent post. Try to include information that is challenging and respectful and that will stimulate debate. Additionally, please remember that simply posting the main post and a student colleague response post does not end the forum; the discussion forum should be dialogue that is continual until the Sunday deadline. Also, be mindful of including references and citations whenever citing facts to support your position.

The student response posts 300 words and 1 reference for support is also the minimal expectation; this does not mean by meeting the minimal expectation that you will be awarded an “A.” This is a Master’s Degree program and course and the award of maximum credit is reserved only for those posts that are exemplary!

Also the content of the Forum Assignment will often ask the student to take a position on a particular topic. However, this is not a strict opinion paper in which you the student can just make a statement of what you think or what your experiences are on a topic. Instead, the student needs to support their opinion or experiences with qualifying research from academic source. APA 6th edition citations and references must be used always!

Hence, do not include statements such as great work, or excellent post. Try to include information that is challenging and respectful and that will stimulate debate. Additionally, please remember that simply posting the main post and a student colleague response post does not end the forum; the discussion forum should be dialogue that is continual until the Sunday deadline. Also, be mindful of including references and citations whenever citing facts to support your position.

Respond to:

As most of us know from last weeks reading, the First Opium War took place from 1839 to 1842 where China’s prohibitions on opium imports led to its defeat and therefore forced to sign treaties opening many ports to foreign trade (Perdue, 2011). As opium became more available to the Chinese, the price was significantly lower and therefore its consumption rose, leading to an addicted society. In order to understand how hostilities between Western traders and China began, we must first understand the roots. According to this week’s readings, the Qing Dynasty regulated trade between Western traders and China by only allowing them to trade through the southern port of Canton. The restrictions did not end there, the merchants could only stay in the city for a limited amount of time and in limited spaces, they were also intensely supervised and limited to trading with a monopoly guild of Chinese merchants (Perdue 2011). Once the monopoly vanished, sales and profits of merchants were augmented by much higher levels of production. In order to prevent potential competition from Turkey and Persia who were also attempting to penetrate the Chinese market with the help of US merchants, the production of opium in India then was drastically increased. The area used for opium poppy cultivation in Bengal (India), for instance, was increased from about 36,400 hectares in 1830 to 71,200 hectares by 1840 and close to 200,000 hectares by 1900 (A Century of International Drug Control, 2008). Despite the Chinese opium ban opium exports from India to China rose from just 75 metric tons in 1775 to just under 300 metric tons by 1800 and more than 2,500 metric tons by 1839. The opium trade became so important that traditional ships were no longer enough to bear the volume of the flow.

By the time the 1830s came around, what came to be known as “opium clippers”, which were fast sailing vessels were used to transfer opium throughout the coast. Qing continued with prohibitions pushing merchants from ports along the coast, which pushed merchants to Lintin island which was beyond the jurisdiction of local officials. Here, opium shipments were received from India and dispersed by Chinese junks and rowboats to other harbors. Western powers help spread the use of Opium and China by building up a dependency not only for the users, but also for private merchants who became dependent on opium revenue for survival. As a chain reaction, foreign traders who smuggled opium bribed local officials, and secret societies and peddlers all became part of the drug trade. Even worse, as reported by Perdue, by the 1830’s most of the government officials and Qing military forces were addicts of opium, which also eventually led to the outflows of silver from the country (Perdue 2011). In an attempt to control the spread of opium in the country, the Chinese emperor ordered the seizure and burn of opium, which resulted in the loss of 20,283 chests, which are approximately equal to 1,200 metric tons of opium. The British responded by attacking the Chinese coast, which of course the Chinese lost, and were forced to sign the Treaty of Nanking in 1842, leading to more ports being home to foreign trade (A Century of International Drug Control, 2008).

Question 2

It is a known fact that our country and other nations overall do not become involved in international dilemmas unless there is a likelihood that the latter will creep inside its borders. If we take the Golden Triangle of Southeast for instance, where drug traffickers move narcotics through Guanxi and Guangdong provinces to Hong Kong and Macau which serve as a drug collection and distribution point to international markets such as the US and Europe (Huang, Liu, Zhao, Zhao, & Friday, 2010). Clearly, now the tables have changed, while the West was previously responsible for the increase in opium consumption in China, it is China now who is in the center of both legal and illegal immigration to the US that has also facilitated drug trafficking into the country. Truth be told, we cannot expect for a country to became deeply rooted in opium as a economic dependency to turn around and eliminate it as a source entirely. The Golden Triangle mentioned above is estimated to provide 73% of the global supply of opium, which of course China is in the center of (Huang et al. 2010). Research by Huang et al., has reported that Chinese customs authorities tend to focus on entering goods and people in an attempt to monitor drug trafficking, while being more careless in their departure checks. Hong Kong and Macau customs, on the other hand, tend to be less careful with people and goods that just left China, assuming the chances of smuggling are low since they have just been examined by the Chinese authorities previously (Huang el at. 2010).

While Chinese supporters have asked how what China is doing now is any different than what the west did to China in the early years, the question is one that can be tackled in different forms. From my perspective and with the readings from last week and this week as support, there simply was not as much awareness of the medical impacts of opium during the 1700’s and 1800’s, this ignorance or lack of knowledge led to addiction. Therefore, I do not believe that such an argument merits a comparison. This is especially not the case as Chinese officials and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), have had antidrug policies since it was established in 1920, even then by 1949, it is estimated that China has over 20 million drug addictions within its borders (Lu & Liang, 2008). The argument proposed also does not merit a comparison as opium was in its infancy when Westerners pushed for its import and export, now, more dangerous narcotics such as heroin are on the rise. For example, the growing use of Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid that is now considered the most dangerous illegal drug in American and can be shipped from China easily and is also cheaper to purchase, making that much more catastrophic in consumption. The growing use of Fentanyl and its demand is exemplified in the ring bust made by the U.S. DEA in November 2019 in China , which found 11.9 kilograms of fentanyl, which is enough to kill 6 million people (Chappell, 2019). Such as shift in preference has also led to an escalation in deaths due to AID/HIV, which is directly associated with intravenous drug use.

Reference

A Century of International Drug Control. (2008). Retrieved from https://www.unodc.org/documents/wdr/WDR_2008/WDR20…

Chappell, B. (2019, November 7). Fentanyl Trafficking: China Jails 9 In Case That Began With A U.S. Tip : NPR. Retrieved March 9, 2020, from https://www.npr.org/2019/11/07/777173066/china-jai…

Huang, K., Liu, J., Zhao, R., Zhao, G., & Friday, P. C. (2010). Chinese Narcotics Trafficking. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 56(1), 134–152. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X10389776

Lu, H., & Liang, B. (2008). Legal Responses to Trafficking in Narcotics and Other Narcotic Offenses in China. International Criminal Justice Review, 18(2), 212–228. https://doi.org/10.1177/1057567708318480

Perdue, P. C. (2011). The First Opium War The Anglo-Chinese War of 1839-1842. MIT Visualizing Cultures. Retrieved from https://visualizingcultures.mit.edu/opium_wars_01/… Opium clipper “Water Witch”(1831)
National Maritime Museum, London
[1831_WaterWitch_PW7719_nmm]
THE OPIUM TRADE
Introduction
The Opium Wars of 1839 to 1842 and 1856 to 1860 marked a new stage in China’s
relations with the West. China’s military defeats in these wars forced its rulers to sign
treaties opening many ports to foreign trade. The restrictions imposed under the Canton
system were abolished. Opium, despite imperial prohibitions, now became a regular
item of trade. As opium flooded into China, its price dropped, local consumption
increased rapidly, and the drug penetrated all levels of society. In the new treaty ports,
foreign traders collaborated with a greater variety of Chinese merchants than under the
Canton system, and they ventured deeply into the Chinese interior. Missionaries brought
Christian teachings to villagers, protected by the diplomatic rights obtained under the
treaties. Popular hostility to the new foreigners began to rise.
Not surprisingly, Chinese historians have regarded the two Opium Wars as unjust
impositions of foreign power on the weakened Qing empire. In the 20th century, the
Republic of China made strenuous efforts to abolish what it called “unequal treaties.” It
succeeded in removing most of them in World War II, but this phase of foreign
imperialism only ended completely with the reversion of Hong Kong to China in 1997.
Conventional textbooks even date the beginning of modern Chinese history from the
end of the first Opium War in 1842.
1
Although the wars, opium trade, and treaties did reflect superior Western military force,
focusing only on Western impositions on China gives us too narrow a picture of this
period. This was not only a time of Western and Chinese conflict over trade, but a time
of great global transformation in which China played one important role. The traders in
opium included Britain, the U.S., Turkey, India, and Southeast Asia as well as domestic
Chinese merchants. The origins of opium consumption in China are very old, and its first
real boom as an item of consumption began after tobacco was introduced from the New
World in the 16th century and Chinese smokers took a fancy to mixing it with the drug.
The Qing court was not in principle hostile to useful trade. In 1689 and 1727, the court
had negotiated treaties with Russia to exchange furs from Siberia for tea, and allowed
the Russians to live in a foreigners’ guest house in Beijing. Qing merchants and officials
also traded extensively with Central Eurasian merchants from Bukhara and the Kazakh
nomads for vital supplies of wool, horses, and meat. The court knew well the value of
the southern coastal trade as well, since revenues from the Canton trade went directly
into the Imperial Household department.
The Opium Wars are rightly named: it was not trade per se but rather unrestricted drug
trade by the Western powers, particularly Britain, that precipitated them. As the wars
unfolded, however, it became clear that far more than opium was ultimately involved.
The very nature of China’s hitherto aloof relationship with the world was profoundly
challenged, and long decades of internal upheaval lay ahead.
Tensions Under the Canton Trade System
Under the system established by the Qing dynasty to regulate trade in the 18th century,
Western traders were restricted to conducting trade through the southern port of
Canton (Guangzhou). They could only reside in the city in a limited space, including
their warehouses; they could not bring their families; and they could not stay there
more a few months of the year. Qing officials closely supervised trading relations,
allowing only licensed merchants from Western countries to trade through a monopoly
guild of Chinese merchants called the Cohong. Western merchants could not contact
Qing officials directly, and there were no formal diplomatic relations between China and
Western countries. The Qing emperor regarded trade as a form of tribute, or gifts given
to him personally by envoys who expressed gratitude for his benevolent rule.
Canton, where the business of trade was primarily conducted during this period, is depicted
on this fan created for the foreign market. Seven national flags fly from the Western
headquarters that line the shore.
Chinese Fan with Foreign Factories at Canton, 1790–1800
Peabody Essex Museum [cwOF_1790c_E80202_fan]
2
Western traders, for their part, mainly conducted trade through licensed monopoly
companies, like Britain’s East India Company and the Dutch VOC. Despite these
restrictions, both sides learned how to make profits by cooperating with each other. The
Chinese hong merchants, the key intermediaries between the foreign traders and the
officials, developed close relations with their Western counterparts, instructing them on
how to conduct their business without antagonizing the Chinese bureaucracy.
As the volume of trade grew, however, the British demanded greater access to China’s
markets. Tea exports from China grew from 92,000 pounds in 1700 to 2.7 million
pounds in 1751. By 1800 the East India Company was buying 23 million pounds of tea
per year at a cost of 3.6 million pounds of silver. Concerned that the China trade was
draining silver out of England, the British searched for a counterpart commodity to trade
for tea and porcelain. They found it in opium, which they planted in large quantities
after they had taken Bengal, in India, in 1757.
British merchants blamed the restrictions of the Canton trade for the failure to export
enough goods to China to balance their imports of tea and porcelain. Thus, Lord George
Macartney’s mission to the court in Beijing in 1793 aimed to promote British trade by
creating direct ties between the British government and the emperor. Macartney,
however, portrayed his embassy as a tribute mission to celebrate the emperor’s
birthday. He had only one man with him who could speak Chinese.
When he tried to raise the trade question, after following the tribute rituals, Macartney’s
demands were rejected. His gifts of astronomical instruments, intended to impress the
Qing emperor with British technological skills, in fact did not look very impressive: the
emperor had already received similar items from Jesuits in earlier decades. Macartney’s
failure, and the failure of a later mission (the Amherst embassy) in 1816, helped to
convince the British that only force would induce the Qing government to open China’s
ports.
Opium Clippers & the Expanding Drug Trade
Opium routes between British-controlled India and China
[map_OpRoutes_BrEmpire21_234-5]
3
New fast sailing vessels called clipper ships, built with narrow decks, large sail areas,
and multiple masts, first appeared in the Pacific in the 1830s and greatly stimulated the
tea trade. They carried less cargo than the bulky East Indiamen, but could bring fresh
teas to Western markets much faster. Clipper ships also proved very convenient for
smuggling opium, and were openly and popularly identified as “opium clippers.” Ships
like the Red Rover could bring opium quickly from Calcutta to Canton, doubling their
owners’ profits by making two voyages a year.
At Canton, Qing prohibitions had forced the merchants to withdraw from Macao (Macau)
and Whampoa and retreat to Lintin island, at the entrance of the Pearl River, beyond the
jurisdiction of local officials. There the merchants received opium shipments from India
and handed the chests over to small Chinese junks and rowboats called “fast crabs” and
“scrambling dragons,” to be distributed at small harbors along the coast. The latter local
smuggling boats were sometimes propelled by as many as twenty or more oars on
each side.
The Pearl River Delta
[map_MouthCantonRiver_p79747]
The major India source of British opium bound for China was Patna in Bengal, where the
drug was processed and packed into chests holding about 140 pounds. The annual flow
to China was around 4,000 chests by 1790, and a little more than double this by the
early 1820s. Imports began to increase rapidly in the 1830s, however, as “free trade”
agitation gained strength in Britain and the East India Company’s monopoly over the
China trade approached its termination date (in 1834). The Company became more
dependent than ever on opium revenue, while private merchants hastened to increase
their stake in the lucrative trade. On the eve of the first Opium War, the British were
shipping some 40,000 chests to China annually. By this date, it was estimated that
there were probably around ten million opium smokers in China, two million of them
addicts. (American merchants shipped around 10,000 chests between 1800 to 1839.)
4
OPIUM IMPORTS TO CHINA FROM INDIA
(1 chest = approximately 140 pounds)
1773
1,000 chests
1790
4,000 chests
early 1820s
10,000 chests
1828
18,000 chests
1839
40,000 chests
1865
76,000 chests
1884
81,000 chests (peak)
Source: Jonathan Spence, Chinese Roundabout (Norton, 1992), pp. 233-35
“The Opium Ships at Lintin in China, 1824”
Print based on a painting by “W. J. Huggins, Marine Painter to His late Majesty
William the 4th”
National Maritime Museum
[1824_PZ0240_Lintin_nmm]
5
In 1831, it was estimated that between 100 and 200 “fast crab” smuggling boats were
operating in the waters around Lintin Island, the rendezvous point for opium imports.
Ranging from 30 to 70 feet in length, with crews of upwards of 50 or 60 men, these
swift rowboats could put on sail for additional speed. They were critical in navigating
China’s often shallow rivers and delivering opium to the interior.
“Fast Boat or Smuggler,” from Captain E. Belcher,
Narrative of a Voyage Round the World (1843), p. 238
[1843_belcher_238_FastBoat]
“The ‘Streatham’ and the opium clipper ‘Red Rover’”
The Streatham, an East India Company ship, is shown at anchor in the Hooghly River,
Calcutta. Near the bank, the Red Rover, the first of the “opium clippers,” sits with her
sails lowered. Built for speed, the Red Rover doubled the profits of her owners by
completing two Calcutta-to-China smuggling voyages a year.
[BHC3580_opiumcl_nmm.jpg]
6
“The new clipper steam-ship “LY-EE-MOON,” built for the opium trade,” Illustrated
London News, ca. 1859
A quarter century after revolutionizing the drug trade, the celebrated “opium clippers”
had begun to undergo a further revolution with the addition of coal-fueled, steamdriven paddle wheels. This illustration appeared in the Illustrated London News in
1859, two decades after the first Opium War began.
[1800s_LyEeMoonILN_Britannca]
Mandarins, Merchants & Missionaries
The opium trade was so vast and profitable that all kinds of people, Chinese and
foreigners, wanted to participate in it. Wealthy literati and merchants were joined by
people of lower classes who could now afford cheaper versions of the drug. Hong
merchants cooperated with foreign traders to smuggle opium when they could get away
with it, bribing local officials to look the other way. Smugglers, peddlers, secret
societies, and even banks in certain areas all became complicit in the drug trade.
Chinese Mandarins,
Illustrated London News,
November 12, 1842
[iln_1842_174_mandarins_012b]
7
Three paintings of the Chinese hong merchants (details)
Left Howqua, by George Chinnery, 1830
Middle Mowqua, by Lam Qua, 1840s
Right Tenqua, by Lam Qua, ca. 1840s
Peabody Essex Museum
[cwPT_1830_howqua_chinnery] [cwPT_1840s_ct79_Mouqua]
[cwPT_1840s_ct78_Tenqua]
Opium, as an illegal commodity, brought in no customs revenue, so local officials
exacted fees from merchants. Even missionaries who deplored the opium trade on
moral grounds commonly found themselves drawn into it, or dependent on it, in one
form or another. They relied on the opium clippers for transportation and
communication, for example, and used merchants dealing in opium as their bankers and
money changers. Karl Gützlaff (1803–1851), a Protestant missionary from Pomerania
who was an exceptionally gifted linguist, gained a modicum of both fame and notoriety
by becoming closely associated with the opium trade and then serving the British in the
Opium War—not just as an interpreter, but also as an administrator in areas occupied by
the foreign forces.
8
The missionary Karl Gützlaff
(often anglicized as Carl or
Charles Gutzlaff), who served as
an interpreter for the British in
the first Opium War, was well
known for frequently pursuing
his religious calling while
dressed in native garb.
Portrait of Gützlaff (inscribed)
on the frontispiece of his 1834
book, A Sketch of Chinese
History: Ancient and Modern.
[1834_Gutzlaff_SHG_fronE38B]
George Chinnery’s sketch of “Revd.
Charles Gutzlaff, Missionary,” done in
1832 [right], found later incarnation in
a lithograph captioned “Revd. Chas.
Gutzlaff, Missionary to China in the
Dress of a Fokien Sailor” (below)
Peabody Essex Museum
[1832_M976541_Gutzlaff_pem]
Wikimedia Commons
Karl_Gutzlaff.jpg
[d_1800s_KarlGutzlaff_FujianCostume_wp]
9
The Daoguang Emperor & Commissioner Lin
By the 1830s, up to 20 percent of central government officials, 30 percent of local
officials, and 30 percent of low-level officials regularly consumed opium. The Daoguang
emperor (r. 1821–50) himself was an addict, as were most of his court.
As opium infected the Qing military forces, however, the court grew alarmed at its
insidious effects on national defense. Opium imports also appeared to be the cause of
massive outflows of silver, which destabilized the currency. While the court repeatedly
issued edicts demanding punishment of opium dealers, local officials accepted heavy
bribes to ignore them. In 1838, one opium dealer was strangled at Macao, and eight
chests of opium were seized in Canton. Still the emperor had not yet resolved to take
truly decisive measures.
“The Imperial Portrait of a Chinese Emperor
called Daoguang’”
Wikimedia Commons
[Emperor_Daoguang_wp]
This portrait of the Daoguang
emperor Minning appeared as the
frontispiece in volume one of John
Elliot Bingham’s 1843 account
Narrative of the Expedition to
China. Bingham, a naval
commander, fought in key battles in
the first Opium War.
[Emperor_Bingham_frontis_gb]
10
Titled “Mien-Ning, Late Emperor
of China,” this posthumous
depiction appeared in The
Illustrated Magazine of Art in
1853, some three years after the
emperor’s death. Although copied
from a portrait painted by a
Chinese court artist, such realistic
likenesses of the emperor were
withheld from the Chinese public.
“Mien-Ning,
Late Emperor of China,”
The Illustrated Magazine of Art,
Volume 1, 1853
[1853_MienNing_EmpChina_IllMagArt_gb]
As opium flooded the country despite imperial prohibitions, the court debated its
response. On one side, officials concerned about the economic costs of the silver drain
and the social costs of addiction argued for stricter prohibitions, aimed not only at
Chinese consumers and dealers but also at the foreign importers. On the other side, a
mercantile interest including southern coastal officials allied with local traders promoted
legalization and taxation of the drug. Debate raged within court circles in the early
1800s as factions lined up patrons and pushed their favorite policies.
Ultimately, the Daoguang emperor decided to support hardliners who called for
complete prohibition, sending the influential official Lin Zexu to Canton in 1839. Lin was
a morally upright, energetic official, who detested the corruption and decadence created
by the opium trade. He had served in many important provincial posts around the
empire and gained a reputation for impartiality and dedication to the welfare of the
people he governed. In July 1838 he sent a memorial to the emperor supporting drastic
measures to suppress opium use. He outlined a systematic policy to destroy the sources
and equipment supporting drug use, and began putting this policy into effect in the
provinces of Hubei and Hunan. After 19 audiences with the emperor, he was appointed
Imperial Commissioner with full powers to end the opium trade in Canton. He arrived in
Canton in March, 1839.
Although Lin’s vigorous attempt to suppress the opium trade ultimately ended in
disastrous war and personal disgrace, he is remembered a great and incorruptible
patriot eminently deserving of the nickname he had enjoyed before his appointment as
an Imperial Commissioner in Canton: “Lin the Blue Sky.” Portraits of him by Chinese
artists at the time vary in style, but all convey the impression of a man of wisdom and
integrity. Today, statues in and even outside China pay homage to the redoubtable
commissioner.
11
Right Commissioner Lin in scholar’s robe
Yale University, Sterling Memorial Library
[1800s_LinZexu_yale]
Left Lin Zexu
from Zhonggou Jindaishi Cankao Tulu
Wikimedia Commons
[1800s_LinZexu_Zhong]
Right Lin Zexu
painting by either Lamqua or Tinqua
Wikimedia Commons
[d_1800s_Lin_Zexu_wm]
Left Lin Zexu, published 1843
From a drawing by a native artist in
the possession of Lady Strange
Beinecke Library, Yale University
[1800s_LinZexu_3454-001_yale]
12
Statues of Commissioner Lin can be
found today in many places around the
world, including Canton, Fuzhou, Hong
Kong, Macao, and, pictured here,
Chatham Square in New York City’s
Chinatown.
Wikimedia Commons
[Lin_ChathamSquare_NYC]
On viewing images of a potentially disturbing nature: click here.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology © 2010 Visualizing Cultures
Creative Commons License
13
PRODUCTION & CONSUMPTION
As the court in China debated opium prohibition, the East India Company developed
opium production on an enormous scale in India. The Company established its main
production center in Patna, a town in Bihar, 600 kilometers up the Ganges River from
Calcutta. There, they forced Indian laborers to work in the extensive poppy fields and
prepare the opium in large mixing rooms and examining halls. A skilled workman was
required to produce at least 100 balls of opium per day. Then the balls were stacked to
be packed in chests made of timber from Nepal. From Patna, a fleet of native boats took
the product down the Ganges River to Calcutta.
Two very different runs of graphics produced by eyewitnesses in the 1850s
convey a vivid sense of the production process that was followed throughout most of the
19th century. The first is a spectacular suite of lithographs based on drawings by Walter
S. Sherwill, a lieutenant colonel who served as a British “boundary commissioner” in
Bengal. The second rendering of different stages of opium manufacture consists of 19
paintings on mica by the Indian artist Shiva Lal. Commissioned by Dr. D. R. Lyall, the
East India Company’s “personal assistant in charge of opium-making,” Lal’s work was
terminated when Lyall was killed in the 1857 Indian Mutiny.
14
Opium Factory at Patna, India
“The Examining Hall, Opium Factory at Patna India”
“In the Examining Hall the consistency of the crude opium as brought from the country
in earthen pans is simply tested, either by the touch, or by thrusting a scoop into the
mass. A sample from each pot (the pots being numbered and labelled) is further
examined for consistency and purity in the chemical test room.”
Prose from The Graphic reproduced in The Truth about Opium Smoking, 1882
Lithograph after W. S. Sherwill, ca. 1850
Wellcome Images
[1850_Sherwill_1_ExamH1B828]
15
“The Mixing Room, Opium Factory at Patna India”
“In the Mixing Room the contents of the earthen pans are thrown into vats and stirred
with blind rakes until the whole mass becomes a homogeneous paste.”
Prose from The Graphic reproduced in The Truth about Opium Smoking, 1882
Lithograph after W. S. Sherwill, ca. 1850
Wellcome Images
[1850_Sherwill_2_Mixing_wlc]
16
“The Balling Room, Opium Factory at Patna India”
“From the mixing room the crude opium is conveyed to the Balling Room, where it is
made into balls. Each ball…
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