Media and Its Influence in Presidential Election Analysis Essay Short introduction that includes a hook, include rhetorical appeals, point of view Timed Wr

Media and Its Influence in Presidential Election Analysis Essay Short introduction that includes a hook, include rhetorical appeals, point of view Timed Writing #2
100 points
You have a 110 minutes to write a short five paragraph summary/analysis essay. Save your essay as you
write.
Read all the way to the end before you begin.
Instructions:
Choose two of the articles as your subject.
Write a short introduction that includes a hook. Give the reader background or context for the
essay, and be sure to include authors and titles. State the authors’ main purposes and the
audience to whom they are writing.
Next, write one paragraph summarizing EACH essay.
Write one paragraph analyzing the ideas you find most interesting FOR EACH ESSAY. Be sure to
notice instances of strategies all writers use. Examples include the rhetorical appeals, point of
view (angle of vision), complexity, description, figurative language, comparison and explanation.
Next, give your personal response to the readings. Explain which essay you found more
persuasive and why. You may use ‘l’. ?
For the conclusion, provide closure for your discussion. Avoid simply restating the summaries.
Instead, explain your current thinking about and identify areas you’d want to research more.
Tips
Review your annotated essay quickly, looking for ideas you responded to
Keep track of time. You have 110 minutes.
Don’t spend too much time on the intro and conclusion.
You will need more time on the summary and analysis.
Save time for editing…10 – 15 minutes.
Look for common errors.
-ed endings, plurals, capitalization, vague or excessive pronoun usage
Comma-splices…be suspicious of sentences with a comma before a pronoun. It,
they, this, that, these, those, he, she, are SUBJECTS, so they may begin a new
sentence.
Fragments…be suspicious of a sentence beginning with an –ing word. That may
be a clause that needs a complete thought to finish the sentence.
Source B
Hart, Roderick P., and Mary Triece, “U.S. Presidency and Television.” Available at
http://www.museum.tv/debateweb/html/equalizer/essay_usprestv.htm.
The following passage is excerpted from an online article that provides a timeline of
major events when television and the presidency have intersected.
April 20, 1992: Not a historic date perhaps, but a suggestive one. It was on this
date [while campaigning for President] that Bill Clinton discussed his underwear with the
American people (briefs, not boxers, as it turned out). Why would the leader of the free
world unburden himself like this? Why not? In television’s increasingly postmodern
world, all texts—serious and sophomoric—swirl together in the same discontinuous field
of experience. To be sure, Mr. Clinton made his disclosure because he had been asked to
do so by a member of the MTV generation, not because he felt a sudden need to purge
himself. But in doing so Clinton exposed several rules connected to the new
phenomenology of politics: (1) because of television’s celebrity system, Presidents are
losing their distinctiveness as social actors and hence are often judged by standards
formerly used to assess rock singers and movie stars; (2) because of television’s sense of
intimacy, the American people feel they know their Presidents as persons and hence no
longer feel the need for party guidance; (3) because of the medium’s archly cynical
worldview, those who watch politics on television are increasingly turning away from the
policy sphere, years of hyperfamiliarity having finally bred contempt for politics itself.
Source C
Menand, Louis, “Masters of the Matrix: Kennedy, Nixon, and the Culture of
the Image.” The New Yorker, January 5, 2004.
The following passage is excerpted from a weekly literary and cultural magazine.
Holding a presidential election today without a television debate would seem
almost undemocratic, as though voters were being cheated by the omission of some
relevant test, some necessary submission to mass scrutiny.
That’s not what many people thought at the time of the first debates. Theodore H.
White, who subscribed fully to [John F.] Kennedy’s view that the debates had made the
difference in the election, complained, in The Making of the President 1960, that
television had dumbed down the issues by forcing the candidates to respond to questions
instantaneously He also believed that Kennedy’s “victory” in the debates was largely
a triumph of image over content. People who listened to the debates on the radio, White
pointed out, scored it a draw; people who watched it thought that, except in the third
debate, Kennedy had crushed [Richard M.] Nixon. (This little statistic has been
repeated
many times as proof of the distorting effects of television. Why not the distorting effects
of radio? It also may be that people whose medium of choice or opportunity in 1960 was
radio tended to fit a Nixon rather than a Kennedy demographic.) White thought that
Kennedy benefited because his image on television was “crisp”; Nixon’s-light-colored
suit, wrong makeup, bad posture—was “fuzzed.” “In 1960 television had won the nation
away from sound to images,” he concluded, “and that was that.”
“Our national politics has become a competition for images or between
images, rather than between ideals,” [one commentator] concluded. “An effective
President must be every year more concerned with projecting images of himself.”
Copyright © 2005 by Call
SAMPLE QUESTION ONLY: PRATI
Source D
Adapted from Nielsen Tunes into Politics: Tracking the Presidential Election
Years (1960-1992). New York: Nielsen Media Research, 1994.
TELEVISION RATINGS FOR PRESIDENTIAL DEBATES: 1960-1996
Homes People
(millions) (millions)
28.1
N/A
Year
1960
Rating
59.5
Networks Candidates Date
ABC
Kennedy-
Sept. 26
CBS Nixon
NBC
NO DEBATES
1964
1968
1972
1976
Carter-Ford Oct. 6
52.4
37.3
63.9
Oct. 28
1980
45.8
58.9
80.6
Anderson-
Carter-
Reagan
Mondale-
Reagan
45.3
Oct. 7
38.5
1984
65.1
36.8
Sept. 25
33.3
1988
65.1
ABC
CBS
NBC
ABC
CBS
NBC
ABC
CBS
NBC
ABC
CBS
NBC
ABC
NBC
CNN
ABC
CBS
NBC
CNN
FOX
Bush-
Dukakis
38.3
Oct. 11
35.7
1992
62.4
Bush-
Clinton-
Perot
Clinton-
Dole
Oct. 6
1996
30.6
31.6
46.1
SAMPLE QUESTION ONLY: DRAFT FORMAT
Source E
Ranney, Austin, Channels of Power: The Impact of Television on American
Politics. New York: Basic Books, 1983.
The following passage is taken from a book that examines the relationship between
politics in the United States and television.
.
In early 1968 [when President Lyndon Johnson was running for reelection], after
five years of steadily increasing American commitment of troops and arms to the war in
Vietnam, President Johnson was still holding fast to the policy that the war could and
must be won. However, his favorite television newsman, CBS’s Walter Cronkite, became
increasingly skeptical about the stream of official statements from Washington and
Saigon that claimed e were winning the war. So Cronkite decided to go to Vietnam and
see for himself. When he returned, he broadcast a special report to the nation, which
Lyndon Johnson watched. Cronkite reported that the war had become a bloody stalemate
and that military victory was not in the cards. He concluded: “It is increasingly clear to
this reporter that the only rational way out will be to negotiate, not as victors, but as
an honorable people who lived up to their pledge to defend democracy, and did the best
they could
On hearing Cronkite’s verdict, the President turned to his aides and said, “It’s all
over.” Johnson was a great believer in public opinion polls, and he knew that a recent poll
had shown that the American people trusted Walter Cronkite more than any other
American to “tell it the way it is.” Moreover, Johnson himself liked and respected
Cronkite more than any other newsman. As Johnson’s aide Bill Moyers put it later, “We
always knew
that Cronkite had more authority with the American people than anyone
else. It was Johnson’s instinct that Cronkite was it.” So if Walter Cronkite thought that
the war was hopeless, the American people would think so too, and the only thing left
was to wind it down. A few weeks after Cronkite’s broadcast Johnson, in a famous
broadcast of his own, announced that he was ending the air and naval bombardment in
most of Vietnam-and that he would not run for another term as President.
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