Semiotic Reflection Assignment | Get Paper Help

Having completed Activities 11 to 13, I would like you to deconstruct and analyse your work (in terms of semiotics) in order to understand and evidence your reasoning behind your visual approaches and outcomes.

You should now recognise that meaning is not simply inherent in only images or words. Meaning is always present in a layout or logo, or (movie title design) for example, in elements such as typography placement, or where gaps or spaces appear between visual elements (shapes or lines) and in scale and colour use.

When evaluating your work, please consider factors such as:

Denotation and connotation – not only of the imagery and/or wording, but also the composition
Paradigm and syntagm within layouts/designs

Where icons, symbols or indexes can be found; remember that this will include elements such as paper

How Does the Use of Reading Strategies Improve Achievement in Science for Language Minority Students?
Shannon Hicok
Glasgow Middle School
Fairfax County (VA) Public Schools
Submitted June 2000
Introduction
Two years ago, I began teaching science at Ellen Glasgow Middle School in Fairfax County, Virginia. I realized right away that my language minority students, especially those still in an English as a Second Language (ESL) program, needed differentiated instruction in their mainstreamed science class. The question then became, “How do I meet the unique needs of this population?” This is a question with which I have continued to struggle over the past two years.
I recognized that my ESL students had a great deal of difficulty reading their science textbook. Although some students had success with pronunciation and word recognition, adequate comprehension eluded them. Working with an ESL teacher, I began to make accommodations in my instruction that seemed to increase understanding during whole class and small group activities. However, I was still puzzled as to how to help these students during lessons that required individual reading.
In the 1999-2000 school year, I have had the privilege of working with a small group of researchers who also teach language minority students. During discussion, we agreed that improving literacy for these students should be our primary goal and the focus of our research. Based on the difficulty my students have experienced with reading comprehension, this is the piece of the literacy puzzle on which I have focused.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to identify how the implementation of various reading strategies improved achievement in science for ESL students. I was particularly interested in their use in the science classroom. Using data collected from this study, I hoped to make better decisions about the type of instruction my language minority students needed. The end result was more confident, successful learners.
Scientific vocabulary development is an area in which language minority students historically struggle. In addition to learning new technical terminology, students must deal with the varied use of familiar terms. For instance, in science class, the words table and compound have a very different meaning than they do in most other classrooms (Chamot, 1994). For these reasons, I decided that one of the strategies chosen for the study would specifically target vocabulary development.
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The remainder of the strategies chosen for the study were intended to help make reading a more active endeavor. I chose these strategies with the hopes that they would help students comprehend written, scientific, factual material.
Literature Review
Much research has been done regarding the effectiveness of using learning strategies to promote literacy. The basic premise behind this research is that students can benefit from the implementation of activities that help them understand and construct meaning from text. The results of this extensive research have shown that better reading comprehension leads to increased achievement.
Margaret Hill states, “Perhaps our first campaign must be the promotion of literacy. We must convince our youth of the importance of literacy, and then it must become a necessary goal for their own survival.” Hill contends that struggling adolescent readers need an increased level of involvement with written material in order to construct meaning. This involvement can be achieved with a variety of strategies that tap into student areas of interest, such as speaking or drawing. Students should also have the opportunity to interact with one another while processing written information. Hill outlines several instances in which the use of strategies has increased student confidence and achievement (Beers, 1998).
Joseph Vaughan and Thomas Estes agree that all students benefit from the direct instruction of learning strategies. In Reading and Reasoning Beyond the Primary Grades, Vaughan and Estes break reading lessons down into three phases: anticipation, realization, and contemplation. Anticipation activities should introduce the topic of the selected passage and access student’s prior knowledge. Realization activities make the reader focus on the meaning of the passage as a whole. Contemplation activities aid in the processing of information after the passage has been read.
Robertta Barba’s research pertains specifically to culturally diverse science classrooms. She feels that, especially in this setting, reading must be an active endeavor. She advocates the use of reading guides and post-reading activities to help students comprehend and summarize the most important concepts in a text (Barba, 1998). This same view is evident in the Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach, (CALLA), developed for ESL learners. This instructional approach is based on the idea that “active learners are better learners.” Strategies ranging from metacognitive to social are used across the curriculum to help ESL students acquire and understand new content vocabulary and concepts, (Chamot, 1994).
Certain aspects are common to all of the studied research. The research clearly shows that reading should be treated as an active process. Readers should be aided in their quest to derive meaning from text. Adequate processing time, carefully selected reading and questioning strategies, and cooperative grouping are essential components in this process. When reading and learning
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strategies are properly implemented, this research indicates a positive impact on student self-confidence, reading ability, and overall achievement.
Data Collection and Observations
This study examines 22 seventh grade ESL B2 students in three different Life Science classes. These students were reading on the fifth or sixth grade level. The study spanned two seventh grade content units: Genetics and Ecology. The chosen reading strategies were intended to do the following things: 1) assist students in the development of scientific vocabulary, 2) access student’s knowledge prior to reading a passage in their text, 3) help students pick out essential information while reading, and 4) process and remember important concepts after reading. The data collected was primarily qualitative. My own notes, answers to student questionnaires, and an analysis of quiz and test scores served as the basis for my conclusions.
Before beginning the study in earnest, I decided to administer the CLOZE reading test, a test designed to measure the readability of the science textbook (Vaughan, 1986). As I predicted they would, the results showed the text to be on the frustration level of the readers. The group’s ability to interpret context clues and recognize vocabulary within the text was low, and therefore their overall understanding of the information it contained was minimal.
Several reading strategies were implemented over the course of the four-month study. For vocabulary development, students constructed graphic organizers in the form of vocabulary books. To help students access and build knowledge prior to reading, anticipation guides and concept maps/webs were implemented. Anticipation guides were also used during reading and were intended to help students pick out essential ideas. Students processed information after reading by using a variety of strategies such as graphic organizers, fill-in-the-blank activities, and informational webs.
Vocabulary Books. These books were intended to help students interpret the meaning of scientific vocabulary. The books themselves were made with copy and construction paper. Each book contained enough space for fourteen words. Three surfaces were used for each term. Each surface contained various information about the term. On one surface, the word itself was written. The definition and a drawing that depicted the meaning of the term were on the other two surfaces respectively. These books were constructed at the beginning of each content unit and terms were added in the order in which they were studied (Figure 1).
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Figure 1
When I initially implemented vocabulary books, students struggled with the process. Copying the definition of each word was easy, but drawing a picture proved to be quite the opposite. My notes and observations led to the belief that as students struggled, their understanding of each term deepened. Students were able to visually represent information with greater ease by the end of the first unit of study. Also, it is evident from my observations that the students began to enjoy the activity more as they became accustomed to the process. When students were asked if vocabulary books had helped them learn, all of the students in the test group responded positively. When asked if vocabulary books were useful when studying for quizzes, 17 students said, “Yes” and the remaining five responded, “Sometimes.” When asked if they liked vocabulary books, 14 students said, “Yes,” four said, “Sort of,” and four said, “No.” The following
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comments were written by various students in the test group regarding vocabulary books:
“The vocabulary book helps me because I try to draw pictures that I would
remember and that mean something, so I can remember back to the pictures.”
“The vocabulary book helps me because it shows what the word means, but it’s hard work to do one.”
“It helped me learn because it has pictures and that makes me remember the word better so that I can do better on quizzes and tests.”
“ …sometimes it’s hard to draw the picture or write the definition of some words, but it helps me learn as I draw pictures.”
“The pictures help bring my memory back when I forget.”
“I like the way the book is organized.”
“It’s easier for me to study using the vocabulary book.”
All of the comments were extremely positive. Although a few students commented on the hard work that goes into making a vocabulary book, all of the students felt that the books helped them in some way.
Anticipation Guides, Concept Maps/Webs. Anticipation guides were intended to make students more active readers by: 1) introducing the topic of the passage and accessing each student’s prior knowledge, 2) helping students focus on the pertinent points in the reading by giving them specific things to look for, and 3) giving students a study guide to use after reading was complete. Before reading, students were asked to respond to a series of statements about the topic by identifying each as true or false. They then discussed their answers as a class or in small cooperative groups. Their job as they read the passage independently was to correct all the incorrect answers on the anticipation guide. (Figure 2)
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Figure 2
Anticipation Guide – DNA is Here to Stay
Directions: Before reading pages 3 – 15 in the book DNA is Here to Stay, read the statements below. Decide whether each statement is true or false and write your answer in the blank beside the statement. As you read, correct each wrong answer and rewrite the incorrect statements so that they are true.
_____1) Every cell carries a complicated “plan” for making an organism.
_____2) The plan for making an organism is on it’s deoxyribo-nucleic acid (DNA for short.)
_____3) DNA is located in the chromosomes, which are in a cell’s mitochondria.
_____4) Every human cell has exactly 38 chromosomes.
_____5) DNA strands are easy to see with a microscope.
_____6) When a cell is about to divide, it’s DNA coils up tightly and that is why we can see the chromosomes at that time.
_____7) DNA looks like a twisted ladder. We refer to this structure as a single helix.
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Concept maps were used in different ways depending on the purpose of the activity. One way these maps were used was as an introduction to a topic. This activity began with one word written on the overhead projector. Volunteers were asked to share all their knowledge about that topic with the class. As students generated information, the teacher added it to the concept map on the overhead. Concept maps were also used after reading as a processing activity. Students were asked to fill in the missing information on a teacher generated concept map that contained the most important points from the passage. (Figure 3)
Figure 3: All Organisms
____________ __________
cannot make their can make their
own food own food
__________ ___________
eat plants eat plants and
animals plants and other
producers go
through the
detritivores process of
eat
______________
_________
carnivores
eat
_________
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When anticipation guides and concept maps were incorporated into a reading assignment, the level of student interest and involvement increased. Students in the test group were observed sub-vocalizing as they read to one another quietly. These behaviors, which often indicate focused reading, had not been observed during previous reading assignments. Also, students stopped often during reading to make corrections to their anticipation guides, indicating the processing of important information. Constructing concept maps before reading increased the amount of student excitement regarding the topic of the selected passage. Students seemed to thoroughly enjoy discussing the given topic. This was noted when many students in the class began eagerly yelling out terms and phrases to be added to the class web. In addition, when these strategies were used, students were able to retain important information for extended periods of time. For example, after constructing a concept map on camouflage, many students referenced the information from the web on written assignments over the course of several weeks.
The following comments were made by students in the test group regarding anticipation guides:
“ Anticipation guides help me not to get confused. ”
“ Anticipation guides help me a lot because I can remember the things that they say.”
“ Anticipation guides help me because they make me read slower and more
carefully to figure out if a statement is right or if I will have to fix it.”
“ Anticipation guides help me remember what I’ve read because you really have
to focus on what you are reading.”
Despite some success, a few students continued to flip through the text looking for key words without truly reading. This was a source of frustration for me throughout the study.
Fill-in-the-blank review guides. These guides were intended to help students pick out and remember main ideas and important supporting details after reading. The teacher- generated paragraphs reviewed key concepts presented in the text. Several key words were deleted from the document and students were responsible for filling them in. This activity was done individually with the hopes of generating greater student-text interaction (Figure 4).
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Figure 4
Name – ______________________ Date – ______________ Block – ___________
ECOSYSTEM CONCEPT REVIEW
Directions: Fill in the blanks below with the appropriate word or words. You may use your notes, book and lab book to help you.
_____________________ factors are the living organisms in the biosphere, whereas ____________________ factors are not living. Elodea, snails, and duckweed are examples of _________________ factors in your aquarium. Water quality and temperature are examples of ____________________ factors in your aquarium.
Organisms of the same species living together make up a _________________. When a variety of species are found living together, they make up a ___________________. ___________________ are comprised of communities and the abiotic factors that affect those communities. In our class fish tank, all of the neon tetras would be an example of a ___________________. All of the fish in the tank make up a _____________________. All of the living and non-living things in our fish tank make up an ________________________.
__________________________ are organisms that can make their own food. __________________________ cannot make their own food and must eat other organisms for energy. In your aquarium, duckweed, elodea, and algae are examples of ________________________ because they carry on the process of ____________________. This process takes place in the ___________________ of each cell. It is through this process that water, _____________ _______________, and __________________ energy are used to make sugar and ____________________. The oxygen is given off and the sugar is broken down in the process of ______________________. During ____________________, food is broken down and ___________________ is released. Oxygen must be present in order for this to occur.
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When this strategy was initially implemented, I expected students to hate it. I was pleasantly surprised when quite the opposite occurred. Students worked diligently to fill in all of the blanks on the activity. The room became completely silent as students flipped through their notes and textbooks looking for the answers. Students were forced to use context clues in order to figure out the correct answers. When this sort of activity was given immediately prior to a quiz, quiz scores among the test population were quite good. Written responses from students regarding this strategy were extremely positive. When asked which of the studied strategies helped them the most, a majority of the students in the test group described this strategy as their “favorite.” Below are several examples of student comments:
“ I really like the fill in the blank activity. I think of it as a contest and there will be a big prize if I can answer all of them. I try to go back and check the answers, so that lets me know what I still need to learn and what I already know.”
“ I like the fill in the blank review best because we got to use our notes and review them. I also liked it because it helps the answers stay in my mind.”
“ I liked the fill in the blank review because we got to look at our notes and by reading my notes I learn more.”
“ For me, the fill in the blank review is the most helpful because all of the blanks match up with important words in the chapter. This activity makes me read to find the answer.”
“ Fill in the blank helps because we have to go through our labs, so not only do we get the answers, we also remember some of the old stuff.”
“ Fill in the blank is good because it made me reread my notes, labs and science textbook.”
“ With the help of the sentences on the fill in the blank review, I remembered the facts.”
“ The fill in the blank review helps me rethink about it and remember it.”
“ Fill in the blank review keeps me very focused because somehow, in a way, it knocks the memory that I forgot back into me. It is also useful for studying for tests.”
“ The fill in the blank review helps me remember what I study. It’s like a reminder to me.”
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In addition to my own notes and student input regarding the strategies in the study, I also looked at student quiz and test scores. When I began the study, I hypothesized that quiz and test scores would show improvement. After constructing individual student graphs however, I found that no pattern emerged among quiz and test scores. Although some student’s scores improved, others declined and some showed no change at all. This was the most disappointing and baffling finding in the study. It is my belief, given the positive qualitative findings, that a longer study would yield more positive quantitative results.
Findings
In order to appropriately report findings, one must return to the study’s original purpose. The purpose of this study was to determine how the use of reading strategies improves achievement in science for language minority students. Looking at quiz and test scores, one could argue that achievement did not improve. Achievement, however, is not only defined by numbers and grades. An increase in one’s ability to derive meaning from text is an achievement. The ability to pick out and remember the main ideas in a written passage is an achievement. The development and use of scientific vocabulary is an achievement.
Although the study was disappointing in the respect of quiz and test scores, some positive conclusions could be drawn. The most significant findings as to how these strategies affect student achievement are as follows:
• The use of these particular strategies increased the amount of student focus during reading and aided in the processing of pertinent information.
• Students were better able to pick out and remember important facts within the text when reading strategies were used.
• The reading/vocabulary strategies themselves became useful tools when studying for quizzes and tests.
Implications for Further Study
This research study raised many questions that warrant further investigation. The fact that quiz and test scores did not shown a pattern of improvement despite positive qualitative results was puzzling. As stated before, it is my belief that the brief length of the study was a major contributing factor. Designing a similar study with a much longer period of data collection would be a worthwhile undertaking.
Another possible outgrowth of this research is a comparison of the effectiveness of each type of reading strategy. Which strategy seems to work the best and why? The study could be expanded to include several additional strategies in order to better accommodate all learning styles.
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References
Barba, R.. (1998). Science in the Multicultural Classroom, A Guide to Teaching and Learning. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Beers, K. & Samuels, B. (1998). Into Focus: Understanding and Creating Middle School Readers. Noorwood: Christopher-Gordon.
Chamot, A. & O’Malley, J.M. (1994). The CALLA Handbook, Implementing the Cognitive Academic Language Learning Approach. Reading: Addison-Wesley,
Vaughan, Joseph. and Estes, Thomas. (1986). Reading and Reasoning Beyond the Primary Grades. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc.

A Mixed-Methods Study of the Health-Related Masculine Values Among
Young Canadian Men
John L. Oliffe
University of British Columbia
Simon Rice
University of Melbourne
Mary T. Kelly and John S. Ogrodniczuk
University of British Columbia
Alex Broom
University of New South Wales
Steve Robertson
Leeds Beckett University
Nick Black
Intensions Consulting, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
Masculinity frameworks in men’s health research have focused on masculine ideals and norms to
describe men’s health practices. However, little attention has been paid to inductively deriving insights
about what constitutes health-related masculine values among young men. A sequential exploratory
mixed-methods design, comprising a qualitative lead to derive health-related masculine values with a
follow-up quantitative arm to test the items, was used. Drawing on a sample of 15–29-year-old Canadian
male interview participants (n 30) and survey respondents (n 600), 5 health-related masculine values
were highlighted: (a) selflessness, (b) openness, (c) well-being, (d) strength, and (e) autonomy. Selflessness
was characterized by caring for and helping others. Openness included the willingness to gain
exposure from new experiences, ideas, and people. Well-being was linked to fitness and masculine body
ideals and aesthetics. In terms of strength, men endorsed intellectual, emotional, and physical strength.
Regarding autonomy, there was consensus men should be self-sufficient and decisive, whereas being
independent drew less endorsement. Highlighting the interdependency of these domains, exploratory
factor analysis yielded 2 overarching reliable quantitative dimensions characterized by domains of being
inclusive (openness and selflessness; .88) and empowered (well-being and autonomy; .85).
Some inductively derived and pilot-tested values ran counter to long-standing claims that young men are
typically hedonistic, hypercompetitive, and estranged from self-health. Study findings are discussed
detailing how the evaluation of specific health-related masculine values in subgroups of men might
advance masculinities-focused men’s health research and inform the next generation of targeted gendersensitized
services.
Keywords: masculinity, men’s health, masculine values, mixed-methods research
In the broad context of masculinity and men’s health research,
foundational are two prevailing factors. First, Western men’s reduced
life expectancy compared with women has been everpresent
in the call for research focused on the gendered aspects of
men’s health (Goldenberg, 2014). Second, men’s alignments to
masculine ideals and norms have been linked to risking and/or
promoting male health, with some researchers arguing for
strength-based approaches to advance the well-being of men and
address the life expectancy–sex disparity (Macdonald, 2016; Robertson,
2007; Sloan, Gough, & Conner, 2010). Empirical work
describing how men distance themselves from and align themselves
with masculine ideals and norms in their health practices
and illnesses experiences has emerged, but there has been limited
empirical work investigating the potential positive strengths for
This article was published Online First April 16, 2018.
John L. Oliffe, School of Nursing, University of British Columbia; Simon
Rice, Orygen, The National Centre of Excellence in Youth Mental Health,
Centre for Youth Mental Health, University of Melbourne; Mary T. Kelly,
School of Nursing, University of British Columbia; John S. Ogrodniczuk,
Department of Psychiatry, University of British Columbia; Alex Broom,
School of Social Sciences, University of New South Wales; Steve Robertson,
The Centre for Men’s Health, Leeds Beckett University; Nick Black, Intensions
Consulting, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.
Thanks to Intensions Consulting (http://www.intensions.co/) for
leading this study design, data collection, and analysis. This work was
made possible with the support of the BC Dairy Association, Alberta
Milk, Sask Milk, and the Dairy Farmers of Manitoba. The writing of
this article was made possible by Movember Canada (Grant 11R18455)
and the Men’s Depression and Suicide Network. Thanks to Madeline
Hannan-Leith, Joanna Ho, and Emma Rossnagel for their tireless work
in formatting and uploading this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to John L.
Oliffe, School of Nursing, University of British Columbia, 109-2176
Health Sciences Mall, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada V6T 1Z3.
E-mail: john.oliffe@nursing.ubc.ca
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Psychology of Men & Masculinities © 2018 American Psychological Association
2019, Vol. 20, No. 3, 310–323 1524-9220/19/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/men0000157
310
men who identify with traditional masculinity (Hammer & Good,
2010). There has also been little attention to describing what
counts as contemporary and/or life course-specific health-related
masculine values.
The current article offers empirical insights into the healthrelated
masculine values of young men who reside in Western
Canada, and in doing so responds to recommendations to unearth
what constitutes masculinity in the lives of young men (Kaplan,
Rosenmann, & Schuhendler, 2016; Thompson & Bennett, 2015).
By definition, values are abstract principles that guide men’s lives.
Culturally transmitted and subject to change over time, values can
be understood as fundamental concepts that indicate what men and
social groups attest to be most worthwhile (Rokeach, 2008).
Whereas masculine norms and ideals comprise standards or rules
directing men’s social behaviors, values are principles that guide
men’s practices and philosophies. Briefly described in the following
background section are details about the use of social constructionist
masculine ideals (Connell, 1995) and socializationbased
masculine norms (Mahalik, Burns, & Syzdek, 2007) in
men’s health research to contextualize the potential advancements
afforded by the current study.
Background
Social Constructionism and Masculine Ideals in Men’s
Health Research
Social constructionist frameworks have used a range of qualitative
methodologies and methods to chronicle patterns and plurality in the
connections between masculinities and men’s health practices and
illness experiences (Gough 2007; Gough & Conner, 2006; Oliffe,
2005; Oliffe, Ogrodniczuk, Bottorff, Johnson, & Hoyak, 2012; Robertson,
2006). Within this context, the focus has often been on the
hierarchical and plural nature of masculinities where the centerpiece
has been hegemonic masculinity; that is, men’s alignments with
masculine ideals have been understood as levering actions across a
continuum ranging from risk-taking to promoting self-health (Broom
& Tovey, 2009). This approach originated with Courtenay’s (2000)
compelling script, in which he applied Connell’s (1995) metatheory of
social power and hierarchies of masculinity to men’s health, making
an argument for how masculine ideals negatively influenced men’s
health practices. In essence, this early work highlighted how practices
relating to fulfilling masculine ideals fueled men’s risk-taking and
restrained their help-seeking and the utilization of professional healthcare
services (Courtenay, 2000). Though Courtenay’s (2000) argument
was heavily weighted toward theorizing how men’s alignment
to masculine ideals worked against men’s health, some balance soon
emerged in the literature. Robertson (2007), for example, mapped
linkages to a schema of “control” and “release,” and “should care”
and “don’t care” attitudes, with masculine ideals at the center influencing
men’s health practices in one of four zones (i.e., should
care-control, should care-release, don’t care-control, and don’t carerelease).
By arguing against masculine ideals being entirely bad for
men’s health, and in recognizing the structural embedding of masculinity
practices, this work also countered assertions that redressing
masculinity at an individual level alone was the gateway to promoting
men’s health. Robertson (2007) paved the way for Lohan’s (2007) life
course perspectives; Anderson’s (2009) call for inclusive masculinity;
Creighton and Oliffe’s (2010) communities of practice frame; Evans,
Frank, Oliffe, and Gregory’s (2011) social determinants of health; and
Griffith’s (2012) assertions about the need for intersectionality (the
integration of gender with other health axes, including race, social
class, and socioeconomic status) to provide nuanced accounts about
the connections between masculinities and men’s health and illness.
Building on the potential for men’s alignments to masculine
ideals to risk and/or promote men’s health, and guided by the
understanding of masculinities as a plural concept, an array of
strength-based men-centered health promotion programs and interventions
emerged, anchoring some aspects of masculinity as
positive for self-health (Kiselica, Benton-Wright, & Englar-
Carlson, 2016; Ogrodniczuk, Oliffe, Kuhl, & Gross, 2016). Within
this context, the focus was less on changing men and more on
working with them to challenge some idealized and potentially
health-damaging constructs and explore a wider spectrum for
embodying healthy masculinities. However, the backdrop was one
that presumed most men aligned to risky masculine ideals, and by
extension, those men were likely estranged from their health
(Rowlands & Gough, 2016). Connected to these presumptions
were the following masculine health practices: women as the
primary health providers in men’s lives (Lee & Owens, 2002),
men’s reticence for engaging professional health-care services
(Galdas, Cheater, & Marshall, 2005; O’Brien, Hunt, & Hart,
2005), and the denial of illness for fear of being seen as weak
(Johnson, Oliffe, Kelly, Galdas, & Ogrodniczuk, 2012). Although
these patterns were well-supported in qualitative studies, the takenfor-
granted nature of masculine ideals became increasingly problematic,
primarily due to the unitary theoretical base of hegemonic
masculinity from which men’s health practices and illness experiences
were described and interpreted (Robertson, Williams, &
Oliffe, 2016). In addition, a significant body of quantitative work
was emerging that demonstrated a complex picture regarding
men’s health practices in that it confirmed men’s espoused collective
reluctance to seek professional help and delay accessing health
services (Wang, Freemantle, Nazareth, & Hunt, 2014; Wang,
Hunt, Nazareth, Freemantle, & Petersen, 2013).
This controversy in the literature raised the need for a focus on
defining the normative in masculine identities, without losing
complexity, sites of resistance to hegemonic gender order, and the
considerable divergence in masculine behaviors across locale,
community, culture, and illness contexts. Otherwise, the risk remained
that the “masculine turn” in gender/health scholarship
would simplify or even misrepresent men’s lived experience of
illness, health, and (social) care. The heavy reliance on theories of
hegemonic masculinity would gradually evolve into a more
rounded analysis of intersectionality, multiplicity, and the constantly
evolving influence of masculine identities on men’s health
practices.
Socialization and Masculine Norms in Men’s
Health Research
Much of the broader work on socialization and masculinity has
focused on quantitative measures of masculinity and masculine
ideology across a diverse array of topics and issues (Thompson &
Bennett, 2015). Three well-known instruments developed by psychologists
to measure different aspects of masculinity are the
Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (CMNI), the Male Role
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HEALTH-RELATED MASCULINE VALUES 311
Norms Inventory (MRNI), and the Gender Role Conflict Scale
(GRCS). Factor analytic methods have shown that the CMNI-46,
MRNI–short form, and the GRCS–short form assess distinct masculinity
constructs as intended by the scale developers (Levant,
Hall, Weigold, & McCurdy, 2015). For the CMNI-46 and the
MRNI–short form, statistical analyses also indicated these two
measures have validity in assessing a general underlying factor or
broad masculinity construct, as represented by the total scale
scores (degree of conformity to traditional masculine norms and
degree of endorsement of traditional masculine ideologies, respectively;
Levant et al., 2015). The GRCS also has good validity and
reliability and convergent validity with other masculinity measures
(O’Neil, 2008). A vast body of research supports gender role
conflict theory and use of the GRCS. Overall, the work confirms
that restricted masculine roles and gender role conflict contribute
to negative psychological health for men and boys (O’Neil, 2008).
In the specific context of men’s health, few masculinity measures
have been consistently used (Griffith, Gunter, & Watkins,
2012). The CMNI (inclusive of its many versions) is perhaps the
most well-known and applied masculinity measure in men’s health
research (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Chambers et al., 2016; Griffith,
Gilbert, Bruce, & Thorpe, 2016; Mahalik et al., 2007; Mahalik &
Rochlen, 2006). Using subscales and items to list predetermined
masculine norms, the CMNI has been used to solicit respondents’
level of agreement as a means to gauging the extent to which
men’s affective, behavioral, and cognitive functioning adhere to
dominant (or “hegemonic”) norms of masculinity. The predominant
masculine scripts (i.e., emotional control, risk-taking, and
self-reliance) drawn from men’s responses to the CMNI items and
subscales have been used to explain and predict specific health
practices (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Mahalik et al., 2007; Mahalik,
Levi-Minzi, & Walker, 2007; Mahalik & Rochlen, 2006; Smiler,
2006). For example, the following practices have been identified:
attention to body image issues among gay men (Kimmel & Mahalik,
2005), substance use among Asian American men (Liu &
Iwamoto, 2007), preferences for therapy or executive coaching
(McKelley & Rochlen, 2010), men’s perceptions of prostate cancer
(Burns & Mahalik, 2008), and men’s health help-seeking
(Vogel, Heimerdinger-Edwards, Hammer, & Hubbard, 2011).
From these and other socialization studies, both positive and
negative relationships between masculinity and men’s health have
been reported (Levant & Wimer, 2014). Herein, it is increasingly
accepted that alignments to masculine norms are contextual, existing
across a continuum rather than exclusively connected to
either men’s health risk or promotion (Griffith et al., 2016; Levant
& Wimer, 2014; Thompson & Bennett, 2015). Such insights may
have informed the proliferation of masculinity measures, including
one by Chambers et al. (2016) focused explicitly on men’s chronic
disease.
There are uncertainties among some socialization researchers
about what constitutes masculine norms among specific subgroups
(Kaplan et al., 2016; Thompson & Bennett, 2015). For example,
Thompson and Bennett’s (2015) review findings indicated there
was a departure from assigning traditional masculinity to men, in
general, across North America. Recent socialization work and
masculinity measures have directed attention to geographies of
masculinity. By mapping masculinities among men from diverse
birth places, life stages, social class, sexual orientation, cultures,
and race, predetermined masculine norms were expanded with the
recognition that men’s health practices were diverse (Griffith et al.,
2016; Kaplan et al., 2016; Thompson & Bennett, 2015). Moving
forward, Thompson and Bennett (2015) urged socialization researchers
to design “masculinity measures to capture the changing
face of men’s gendered lives” (p. 115).
Characterized by different methodologies, a core distinction
between social constructionist and socialization approaches has
been the debate over masculinity as an external relational social
construct versus an interior trait or individual characteristic. Despite
this ontological and epistemological divide, empirically,
there has been consensus among social constructionist and socialization
men’s health researchers that masculinity is contextual and
fluid rather than being entirely good or bad for the health of men
(Oliffe, 2015). There has also been increasing uncertainty in the
literature about the relevance of traditional hegemonic masculinity
and the degree to which masculine ideals can be applied to specific
subgroups of men (Anderson, 2009). Similarly, it can be argued
that measures used to assess conformity to and endorsement of
masculine norms and ideologies have focused on men’s traditional
masculine behaviors (de Visser & McDonnell, 2013). Cormie et al.
(2016) recently argued for a focus on masculine values in attracting
men who experience prostate cancer to a physical exercise
intervention. In this specific context, exercise was valued (Cormie
et al., 2016), offering what de Visser and McDonnell (2013)
labeled masculine capital to potential end-users of the intervention.
Building on this lead, and early work indicating sex differences in
male and female values (Beutel & Marini, 1995), it seems entirely
reasonable, if not critical, to inductively derive broader understandings
about men’s health-related masculine values, in thoughtfully
mapping men’s health practices and illness experiences.
Rather than debating baseline generalizable hegemonic masculine
ideals and norms, the need to focus on both the plurality and
patterns in masculinities by distilling age and/or locale specific
values can be used to inform and leverage tailored interventions. In
the current study, we have used the term health-related “masculine
values” to describe the values that young men declared as important
in their lives. Offered here are insights into the health-related
masculine values of young men who reside in Western Canada
ahead of discussing the implications for future men’s health research
and services. The focus on health-related masculine values
is not intended as a replacement for masculine ideologies but
rather as a fruitful avenue for inductively deriving insights about
what young men value, as a means to advance men’s health.
Therefore, the current study addressed the question: What are the
health-related masculine values among young men who reside in
Western Canada?
Method
Isacco (2015) suggested that mixed-methods studies are an
essential but oftentimes missing step for identifying new themes,
surveys, scale items, and emergent theories in masculinity research.
Moreover, mixed-methods designs can be used to bridge
divergent theoretical frameworks (i.e., social constructionist and
socialization approaches), producing higher-quality results than
mono-methods (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004). We chose to lead
with a qualitative component and quantitative follow-up to purposefully
pilot test the inductively derived health-related masculine
values and contribute to the ever-changing field of masculinity
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312 OLIFFE ET AL.
and men’s health research (Creswell, Shope, Plano Clark, &
Green, 2006; Morgan, 2015). In responding to Isacco’s (2015) call
to action, the current study used a sequential exploratory mixedmethods
design (Hanson, Creswell, Clark, Petska, & Creswell,
2005; Mortenson & Oliffe, 2009) to explore the health-related
masculine values of young men in Western Canada. As Hanson et
al. (2005) suggested, this design was appropriate for testing nascent
concepts, developing new instruments, and exploring relationships
between unknown variables. The qualitative arm used interpretive
descriptive methods, including individual, semistructured
interviews (Thorne, 2016). Inductively derived from these analyses
were five values that were subsequently pilot tested with young
men (15–29 years old) through a questionnaire comprising 15
items (Fetters, Curry, & Creswell, 2013). Please see Figure 1 for
the research design and procedures. The study received approval
from a Western Canadian university behavioral ethics review
board.
Qualitative Phase: Sample, Data Collection, and
Data Analysis
Potential participants (i.e., male, 15–29 years old, residing in
Western Canada, and English speaking) were accessed via an
online panel and provided an “opt in” choice to express their
interest in completing a paid (CAD$100) individual interview for
a project focused on men’s health-related values. A total of 52 men
opted in and provided their contact information to the project
manager. Potential participants were then contacted by the project
recruiter and rescreened for eligibility based on the inclusion
criterion and scheduling availability. Eligible men who were willing
to be interviewed in-person, via telephone, or via SkypeTM
were recruited, and a purposive sample of 30 young men participated
in 2015 (see Table 1 Qualitative participant demographics).
The interviews lasted 60–90 min and were conducted using an
interview guide (Appendix A – Interview Guide) by master’sprepared
male researchers with previous experience in qualitative
men’s health research. Male interviewers were used out of convenience
(i.e., they were available), but we acknowledge gender as
relational and co-constructed, and therefore, the gender and perceived
demographics of the interviewer likely influenced the interview
dynamics and the data collected (Seale, Charteris-Black,
Dumelow, Locock, & Ziebland, 2008). Specific interview questions
included the following: What do you value in terms of
lifestyle? What are some of the important experiences or milestones
that have made you the man you are today? What first
comes into your mind when you think of sports/exercise? The
quality of the interview data collected in the first five interviews
was evaluated and minor adjustments were made to the interview
questions to follow some emergent leads. For example, additional
prompts were included to more fully explore participant’s references
to caring for others and specificities about what comprised
strength. Participants were encouraged to draw on prior and current
life experiences, and the interviewers solicited specific examples
and clarified details in the men’s interviews using probe and
loop questions (Oliffe & Mroz, 2005).
The audio and video-recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim
and checked for accuracy. Reading the interview transcripts,
data were analyzed independently by three experts in qualitative
approaches to masculinities and men’s health research. The methods
used were drawn from interpretive description wherein analytical
tools and approaches from a range of qualitative traditions
were adapted and applied to inductively derive insights to men’s
health-related masculine values (Thorne, 2016). Specifically, the
data were read and analyzed line by line, with the three researchers
independently making jottings in the margins to note interpretations
and develop preliminary codes for organizing the data
(Thorne, 2016). Using constant comparison techniques, data were
compared within and across the interviews, and data segments
were allocated to descriptive codes (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).
Early on, numerous codes were used, some of which were subsumed,
as the data were reassigned and significant overlap noted
(i.e., double coding). For example, caring and self-reliance were
included in the original coding schedule, but these codes and the
data assigned to those codes were eventually subsumed under the
selfless and autonomy codes, respectively. Five broad codes regarding
participants’ health-related masculine values were inductively
derived through this analytic approach: (a) selflessness, (b)
openness, (c) well-being, (d) strength, and (e) autonomy. Data
assigned to each value were then read independently by three
authors with a view to developing survey items for each value. The
purpose of using the descriptive qualitative findings to develop a
survey instrument was to pilot test the five health-related mascu-
Phase Procedure
Individual in-depth interviews
with 30 young men
Thematic analyses within and
across interviews. Five core
values inductively derived
Fifteen item survey (3 items
for each value) using a 5 point
Likert scale derived from data
coded to the 5 core values
Matched sample respondents
(N=600; 15-29 years; residing
in Western Canada)
Likert-scale frequencies,
factor analysis and reliability
analysis
Explanation of the qualitative
and quantitative results with
discussion about future
applications of health-related
masculine values
Qualitative
data collection
Qualitative
data analyses
Survey instrument
development
Quantitative data
analyses
Figure 1. Research design.
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HEALTH-RELATED MASCULINE VALUES 313
line values in a population sample to determine their transferability
(Creswell, Plano Clark, Gutman, & Hanson, 2003; Kaplan et al.,
2016; Morgan, 2015; Salah, Deslauriers, & Knüsel, 2017).
We concede biases were present before the study wherein there
were expectations that masculinities and men’s health practices
would likely vary across history and within age-specific cohorts of
men. However, those biases were mitigated through discussion
among the three researchers leading the analyses and their collective
frankness in comparing and explaining their interpretations of
the data (Hill et al., 2005; Tracy, 2010). Through these processes,
consensus among the team was reached about the top three items
for each of the five values, resulting in a total of 15 items for the
health-related masculine values survey. For example, drawing
from the men’s interview references to selflessness, three items
were developed: A man should (a) care about others, (b) help other
people, and (c) give back to his community. Similarly, this analytic
approach was applied to the other four values to develop three
survey items for each value. The decision to use three items for
each value was based on their “weight” within the qualitative data
and a desire to be consistent in terms of the number of items used
for each value. Further, given the initial a priori approach taken in
regard to the number of possible factors (i.e., five), inclusion of a
consistent number of three items per masculine value enabled each
value to be equally represented in the subsequent principal component
analysis. This approach ensured (a) a high-quality item
pool and (b) that all items clearly represented the constructs of
interest (Worthington & Whittaker, 2006).
Quantitative Phase: Sample, Data Collection, and
Data Analysis
A convenience sample of young Canadian men were recruited
from an online sample provider and screened to ensure they met
survey eligibility requirements (i.e., male, 15–29 years old, residing
in Western Canada, and English speaking). Online panels offer
important avenues for survey data collection with benefits
including reduced prerecruitment field times and efficiencies for
accessing target samples (Göritz, 2007; Pedersen & Nielsen,
2016). The survey topic was not disclosed in the initial survey
invitation, and only potential respondents who went to the survey
introduction page were advised that the focus was on young men’s
health-related masculine values. Of the 1,209 respondents who
went to the introduction page, a total of 1,183 (98%) answered
“yes” to opt in. This sample was reduced to 600 using post opt-in
screening and stratification quotas. Respondents who did not complete
the survey, those providing nondifferential responses
(straight-lining), and those who completed the survey significantly
faster than average (speeding) were excluded. Respondents were
incentivized with proprietary panel points, which could later be
exchanged for various rewards. IP addresses were monitored to
eliminate the likelihood of duplicate responses. The 10-min online
survey was administered from December 17, 2015 to January 14,
2016, and it was completed by 600 respondents (see Table 2 for
quantitative participant demographics). Responses to the survey
items were made using a 5-point Likert scale (strongly agree,
agree, neutral, disagree, and strongly disagree). For each item, the
proportions of the sample endorsing each scale point are reported.
Principal component analysis (with direct oblimin rotation) was
conducted to determine underlying factors within the data. Cronbach’s
alpha coefficients were calculated to evaluate subscale
internal consistency.
Table 1
Qualitative Participant Demographics
Demographics N %
Ethnicity
Caucasian 15 50.0
Asian 5 16.7
Indian/South Asian 4 13.3
Other 6 20.0
Employment
Employed full time 9 30.0
Employed part time 2 6.7
Student 16 53.3
Unemployed 1 3.3
Other 0 0.0
Prefer not to say 2 6.7
Marital status
Single 22 73.3
Married 2 6.7
Live with partner 3 10.0
Other 0 0.0
Prefer not to say 3 10.0
Education level
High school 12 40.0
Post-secondary, incomplete 9 30.0
Post-secondary, complete 7 23.3
Graduate degree, incomplete 1 3.3
Graduate degree, complete 0 0.0
Prefer not to say 1 3.3
Province
British Columbia 12 40.0
Alberta 14 46.7
Saskatchewan/Manitoba 4 13.3
Note. Respondents N 30. Mean age 21 years.
Table 2
Quantitative Participant Demographics
Demographics N %
Employment
Employed full time 285 47.5
Employed part time 56 9.3
Student 83 13.8
Unemployed 54 9.0
Other 73 12.2
Prefer not to say 49 8.2
Marital status
Single 329 54.8
Married 97 16.2
Live with partner 32 5.3
Other 10 1.7
Prefer not to say 132 22.0
Education level
High school 101 16.8
Post-secondary, incomplete 101 16.8
Post-secondary, complete 199 33.2
Graduate degree, incomplete 14 2.3
Graduate degree, complete 54 9.0
Prefer not to say 131 21.8
Province
British Columbia 207 34.5
Alberta 230 38.3
Saskatchewan/Manitoba 163 27.1
Note. Respondents N 600. Mean age 24 years.
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314 OLIFFE ET AL.
Findings
Qualitative Results
Selflessness. Most participants indicated that putting the welfare
of others ahead of themselves was a masculine value. This
took the form of being supportive and demonstrating care for
others. Adam, a 16-year-old participant, affirmed that, “a man is
really kind and generous to everyone.” Similarly, Blake, an 18-
year-old participant, suggested that men needed to prove their
compassion:
I think a man is supposed to be a supporter of everything . . . By
supporter I mean somebody who has the opportunity, and can lift
someone’s experience of life, abilities in life and understanding in life
. . . Unless you live all alone in the woods, you’re relying on other
people for everyday transactions. And by supporting people, you give
somebody else the benefit.
The value of being selfless was linked to social connectedness,
helping others, and contributing to the community, and many
participants suggested such actions signaled authenticity. Caleb, a
23-year-old participant, confirmed that his selfless deeds were
done without ulterior motives:
I’ve always volunteered—it’s very satisfying to help people. Doing
something without getting anything tangible in return is good. I like
making people’s lives better . . . Plus it’s a very good way to make
connections in the community.
Participants indicated that being selfless often drew on emotional
rather than financial masculine capital, in suggesting that young
men can, and should, feel and care for others in tangible ways.
Dylan, a 22-year-old participant, explained:
I think nowadays, being a man, you can be more emotional. Growing
up, guys that cried or boys that cried were made fun of. But now
there’s more acknowledgment that having emotion isn’t so bad . . .
and people who are in touch with their emotions typically make better
decisions.
Drawing from the men’s references to selflessness, three items
were developed: A man should (a) care about others, (b) help other
people, and (c) give back to his community.
Openness. The men indicated openness was an important
health-related masculine value and suggested that being open to
experiences, ideas, and people were key to developing fully and
living life to the fullest. Most participants’ alignment to openness
was linked to actively seeking out new experiences as a means to
making the most of their freedoms. As Ethan, a 22-year-old
participant, suggested:
You have the opportunity to do whatever you want. The doors are
open, and all you have to do is walk through them. And if you do not
take those opportunities, it’s your own fault . . . If you do not seize the
opportunities, you’re going to look back and feel bitter.
Evident here and in many men’s narratives was the tendency to
distance from more conservative masculine practices, wherein
stalwart actions embracing freedom and discovery were made
amid the recognition that being young could afford opportunities
that might diminish with time, age, and the accumulation of other
responsibilities. Closely tied also were men’s aspirations to learn
from experience. Finn, a 28-year-old participant, explained:
You need to keep yourself open to other ideas as well. Instead of being
stubborn . . . if you do not open yourself up, how do you know if
you’re wrong? It’s nice to have a different perspective.
This openness to new ideas and ways of thinking was consistently
linked to connecting with an array of diverse people. Sometimes
this included traveling and/or experiencing new places. Caleb, a
23-year-old participant, explained:
I’ve always enjoyed new experiences and meeting new people . . . So
traveling, I’ve found, opens my eyes to what’s going on in the world,
because sometimes growing up we get kind of close-eyed to what’s
going on . . . I’ve always had humbling experiences when I go
somewhere where things aren’t the same, and it really kind of puts
your life into perspective and makes you realize that you really take
your life for granted.
There was strong emphasis on “openness” from the participants,
and this related to being open to new experiences, ideas, and
people. Drawing from participant quotes about the masculine value
of openness, three items were developed. A man should be open to
new (a) experiences, (b) ideas, and (c) people.
Well-being. Participants valued feeling and looking well as a
means to both enhancing life quality and living longer. Gavin, a
26-year-old participant, said:
My lifestyle is all about health—good health. It’s the key to life. I had
one grandparent that lived to be 105 years old. It’s the best thing to be
healthy all the time.
Conscious of idealized representations of masculinity in media and
popular culture, participants also valued looking good as a byproduct
of optimizing their well-being. Many men explained that they felt
driven to achieve specific body goals. Harrison, a 27-year-old participant,
referencing his training regimen said, “if I notice myself getting
a little pudgy, or losing a little bit of weight, I push harder to keep at
a good level.” Ian, a 26-year-old participant, described how working
out at the gym was about achieving an idealized male body aesthetic,
as much as it was about reaching his fitness goals:
I think in this day and age having more muscles and going to the gym
is so prevalent. It probably was not to this extent 40 years ago. Now
men just care so much more about how they look.
Participants connected their desire for muscularity with other
qualities including confidence, leadership, and self-esteem. Jordan,
a 28-year-old participant, suggested:
You make this assumption that the person takes care of himself, and
I guess this sounds kind of shallow, but that they’re a good man and
a leader because they take the time to take care of themselves.
Gavin, a 26-year-old participant, acknowledged the pressure to
achieve an idealized male body but insisted this motivated him to
pursue higher levels of well-being and fitness:
The stereotype is tough but it does get you going to the gym—it
promotes a healthier lifestyle.
Because most men talked about body image and the desire to be
and look fit, we included the following items under the core value
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HEALTH-RELATED MASCULINE VALUES 315
of well-being: A man should (a) be fit and healthy, (b) stay in good
shape, and (c) take care of his appearance.
Strength. Participants valued physical, emotional, and intellectual
strength. Kaleb, a 27-year-old participant, said, “I think of
a lion” in referencing his ideals about embodying manly physical
strength. Indeed, iconic masculine stereotypes were drawn on to
signal the strength that young men suggested they were expected
to exhibit. Levi, an 18-year-old participant, explained:
It’s about being masculine and stronger. I think of people like Superman.
Being a man is about being invincible, where nothing can hurt
you, where you do not cry, and you’re always there to save the day.
Amid affirming long-standing references to physical strength, participants
were also conscious of the limits of such masculine
stereotypes and described their agency in contesting and deviating
from those ideals and norms depending on the context. Jack, a
28-year-old participant, confirmed:
I feel like there are expectations of a man to be strong, solid and never
wavering in emotion—those sort of stereotypical expectations about
strength . . . I do not follow all those expectations, but in certain
situations I will subconsciously hold that up.
Most men also asserted emotional and intellectual strength as core
contemporary masculine values. Miles, an 18-year-old participant,
asserted that for young men, it is “more mind over muscle,”
because “if you want to have a job in the future you need to go to
university and be smart.”
The values of contemporary masculinity were also referenced
by Nathan, a 24-year-old participant, in validating the emergence
of successful men who embodied intellectual and entrepreneurial
strength:
Before the Internet, it would be these great athletes that people
idolized and recognized. But now it’s more the Warren Buffetts, the
Bill Gates, the Steve Jobs . . . We’ve transitioned from a society based
on physical characteristics like physical ability, speed and charisma,
to something more on the mental side in terms of knowledge and
intelligence.
Participants clearly delineated their value for masculine strength,
and based on the findings, three items were developed: A man
should have (a) intellectual strength, (b) emotional strength, and
(c) physical strength.
Autonomy. Autonomy was an important part of being a man
for most participants. The men valued the freedoms that came from
taking care of themselves. Owen, an 18-year-old participant,
linked his self-reliance to functioning effectively within society:
Not having to rely on anyone is freeing. To find your own way, and
be able to do everything yourself—well not everything—but to know
how to function in society and be able to get around.
Making choices and deciding without consultation or constraint
was also linked to masculinity. Preston, a 16-year-old participant,
explained:
Making your own choices and deciding what you want to do on your
own, I think that’s what being a man is about. Making your own
choices and deciding without the influence of other people . . . We live
in a society where we operate on the basis of free will, and the right
to do what you want to pursue happiness, and I think that a man
should be able to pursue those rights to the full extent, and have the
confidence to make his own choices.
The expression of autonomy, especially in terms of the ability to be
self-reliant, mapped onto many men’s quest to be fully independent.
As is often the case, the value of being independent was also
juxtaposed with the weakness associated with being dependent.
For example, Quinn, a 29-year-old participant, explained the
avoidance of depending on others was critical to staking claim on
masculine autonomy:
I want to be able to function in society and carry out tasks, and I do
not want to be limited . . . Independence is another way of looking at
it. Being weak means you always have to depend on someone else,
and that’s embarrassing.
Based on the participants’ references to autonomy, three items
were inductively derived to solicit men’s responses: A man should
(a) be self-sufficient, (b) make his own decisions, and (c) be
independent.
Quantitative Results
Overall, there were high levels of endorsement across all 15
items on the survey (see Table 3 for quantitative results: intensions
health-related masculine values scale). Respondents most strongly
endorsed (i.e., responded strongly agree or agree) to the items “A
man should help other people” (90.7%; n 544) and “A man
should care about other people” (89%; n 534). The lowest
endorsement was for the items “A man should be independent”
(77.5%; n 465) and “A man should have physical strength”
(75%; n 450). Before conducting factor analysis, we examined
sampling adequacy using the Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin value
(KMO 0.5) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity (p .05). The KMO
value examines whether the data are likely to yield distinct and
reliable factors, whereas Bartlett’s test indicates whether interitem
correlations are of an appropriate magnitude for factor analysis.
The present KMO value was 0.939, and Bartlett’s test of sphericity
was significant (p .001), indicating excellent factorability of the
data (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014). Bivariate correlations were
inspected, with all interitem correlations statistically significant
(p’s .001) and in the weak–moderate range. Skewness and
kurtosis values were in the acceptable normal range (Table 4).
Principal component analysis (direct oblimin rotation) was subsequently
conducted. Inspection of the elbow of the scree plot
indicated two distinct factors, each with eigenvalues 1 (7.25 and
1.40, respectively). The two-factor solution converged in nine
rotations and accounted for 57.69% of total scale variance. The
two factors each demonstrated satisfactory internal consistently
and were named inclusive (open and selfless; .88) and
empowered (well-being and autonomy; .85). The two factors
correlated significantly, r .631, p .000. The component
scores, along with item means and standard deviations, are displayed
in Table 4. Three of the original 15 items were omitted after
rotation. These items related to intellectual strength, emotional
strength, and taking care of appearance.
Discussion
Empirically, the current study findings revealed novel patterns
regarding health-related masculine values among young men based in
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316 OLIFFE ET AL.
Western Canada, all of which have implications for future masculinities
and men’s health research. Akin to research in positive psychology
that has argued masculinity can be associated with positive
psychological strengths in men (Hammer & Good, 2010; Kiselica &
Englar-Carlson, 2010), the current study findings revealed the endorsement
of positive health-related masculine values, including caring
and concern for others, as well as autonomy, a more traditional
value for men. Caring and connecting qualities are often perceived as
feminine ideals (Oliffe, Kelly, Bottorff, Johnson, & Wong, 2011);
however, within the field of positive psychology, male ways of caring
and male relational styles have been theorized as positive masculine
strengths (Kiselica & Enlar-Carlson, 2010). As such, the masculine
values identified in the current study may be of interest to researchers
and clinicians who have adopted the strength-based masculinity
framework developed by proponents of positive psychology. For
clinicians, these findings provide evidence for counseling approaches
that affirm positive masculine strengths, which may be drawn on to
promote healthy lifestyle practices and reduce destructive health behaviors.
For researchers, these findings point to complexities in how
men and masculinities are conceptualized, and the need to explore the
ways in which young men’s identities differentiate from, align to, and
perhaps challenge traditional expressions of masculinity. Within this
context, we acknowledge the findings regarding a shift in masculinity
toward incorporating caring, selfless ideals among young men may be
specific to Canadian social and political values (Sabin & Kirkup,
2016).
Table 3
Quantitative Results: Intensions Health-Related Masculine Values Scale
Subscale and items
Strongly agree
(%)
Agree
(%)
Neutral
(%)
Disagree
(%)
Strongly disagree
(%)
Selflessness
A man should care about other people 54.7 34.3 9.0 1.5 0.5
A man should help other people 52.5 38.2 7.2 1.5 0.7
A man should give back to his community 36.7 42.8 17.5 2.3 0.7
Openness
A man should be open to new ideas 47.2 41.0 10.3 1.2 0.3
A man should be open to new experiences 42.8 45.8 9.5 1.3 0.5
A man should be open to new people 36.3 45.8 14.0 3.3 0.5
Well-being
A man should be fit and healthy 45.0 41.5 11.5 1.7 0.3
A man should stay in good shape 41.8 43.7 12.5 1.5 0.5
A man should take care of his appearance 39.5 46.5 11.5 1.8 0.7
Strength
A man should have intellectual strength 46.0 41.0 11.3 1.2 0.5
A man should have emotional strength 35.7 46.8 13.3 3.3 0.8
A man should have physical strength 34.0 41.0 20.5 3.7 0.8
Autonomy
A man should be self-sufficient 41.8 40.7 14.3 2.3 0.8
A man should make his own decisions 39.3 43.7 13.0 3.3 0.7
A man should be independent 36.7 40.8 17.5 4.0 1.0
Table 4
Descriptive Statistics and Factor Loadings (With Direct Oblimin Rotation) for the Intensions Health-Related Masculine Values Scale
Scale item
Descriptive Component
M (SD) Skewness Kurtosis Median Mode
1 Open and
selfless
2 Healthy and
autonomous
A man should be open to new experiences 4.29 (0.73) 1.027 1.644 4 4 0.653 0.186
A man should be open to new ideas 4.34 (0.74) 0.999 1.091 4 5 0.666 0.164
A man should be open to new people 4.14 (0.81) 0.861 0.725 4 4 0.839 0.104
A man should care about other people 4.08 (0.89) 0.852 0.509 4 4 0.854 0.084
A man should help other people 4.18 (0.83) 0.975 0.971 4 4 0.778 0.058
A man should give back to his community 4.20 (0.83) 0.991 1.019 4 5 0.785 0.049
A man should be independent 4.04 (0.88) 0.700 0.203 4 4 0.077 0.812
A man should make his own decisions 4.31 (0.76) 1.021 1.242 4 5 0.129 0.763
A man should be self-sufficient 4.13 (0.83) 0.963 1.141 4 4 0.083 0.702
A man should have physical strength 4.41 (0.76) 1.331 1.967 5 5 0.028 0.767
A man should be fit and healthy 4.40 (0.75) 1.416 2.733 5 5 0.257 0.596
A man should stay in good shape 4.13 (0.83) 0.773 0.496 4 4 0.216 0.636
A man should have intellectual strengtha 4.29 (0.76) 0.956 0.890 4 5 0.437 0.431
A man should have emotional strengtha 4.22 (0.77) 0.999 1.480 4 4 0.303 0.497
A man should take care of his appearancea 4.25 (0.77) 0.924 1.024 4 4 0.448 0.308
Note. Boldface items comprising each subscale.
a Item omitted following rotation.
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HEALTH-RELATED MASCULINE VALUES 317